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The Caspian connection- Thanks to http://www.kavaseri.com/blog/?p=11

 Thanks to http://www.kavaseri.com/blog/?p=11

by K V Krishnaswamy

NEITHER THE portfolio he held nor the capital he visited was of the stuffto excite the imagination of the general public. So when Mr. VazhapadiRamamurthy, Minister of Petroleum, returned from a visit to the capital ofKazakhastan early this month he caused no ripple in a Delhi that was anywaytoo preoccupied with aftershocks, seismological and political. But thejoint commission discussions the Minister participated in and the measuresinitiated after these, together with the earlier interaction between thetwo countries at the trade and business levels, raise hope that there willbe an Indian presence, however minuscule, when the new century dawns on

what must be the globe’s strategically most important region.

Central Asia, by any reckoning, holds the key to the stability and securityof Eurasia and, by extension, of the world. If much of the second half ofthis century was dominated by the manoeuvrings for control of the oil inthe Gulf, with global powers involved in fierce competition, it will be theCaspian basin in Central Asia with its untapped oil and mineral wealth thatwill determine the course of global relations in the next century. The samegeopolitical logic dictates that whereas the determinant during the ColdWar decades was the destructive capacity of the weapons at your (or yourmaster’s) disposal, in the coming decades the deciding factor will begeoeconomics, more precisely its driving force of energy availability.Central Asia’s variously estimated deposits of oil and natural gas -besides gold and uranium – will guarantee the presence of all the global

players in strength in the region in the decades to come.

Of course, competition for strategic and commercial influence in CentralAsia is one of the hardest and oldest games in geopolitics. Venue of theGreat Game between Imperial Britain and Czarist Russia in the last centurywhen the jewel in contention was the Indian empire, the region had remainedinsulated for most of this century, forming part of the underbelly of theSoviet Union. The scramble for the region began even as the Soviet empirewas collapsing, leaving a dangerous vacuum. Politics, like nature, abhors

vacuum, ensuring the presence of new forces and new players on the scene.

The independence from Moscow that came with the disappearance of the SovietUnion has so far failed to bring stability to the region’s republics,ensuring that history will continue to repeat itself. Since the 15thcentury the region has mainly been organised politically from without, withRussia entering it decisively in the 1870s. Comprising the five formerSoviet republics of Kazakhastan, Kyrgystan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan andUzbekistan and Afghanistan, the region borders China, Russia, Iran andPakistan and the four cultural zones they represent. A more formidable mix

must be impossible to conjure.

It is at these crossroads that vital games are being played whose outcomewill have a strong bearing on India, economic, political and social. Thecountry’s age-old cultural ties with the region had remained dormant duringthe Soviet period. There was renewal when political contacts wereestablished with the new republics in the early Nineties. Thanks to theirpreoccupation with domestic affairs when most of these countries facedfundamentalist militancy, these contacts were not maintained. Changes ofgovernment in Delhi, too, contributed to a neglect of the relationship. Thecontacts are hopefully being renewed, as the joint commission sittingsattended by the Minister testify. Soon after the commission’s sessions,

Delhi hosted the President of Kyrgystan.

While the cultural links are being renewed and business and tradingopportunities in a variety of fields explored – as Central Asia’s initialinfatuation with the West wears out and it begins to look around forfriends and partners for progress – it is the oil sector that holds the keyto the interaction between India and these countries. India can offerlittle capital but its technical and technological knowhow can combinesuccessfully with third parties. It will no doubt be a painful grind in afield already full to the brim with big time players. In the past decadethe region has in fact witnessed unprecedented lobbying by Westerngovernments and multinational corporations which have invested heavily inprospecting for oil – and, more importantly, planning strategies for

transporting the products to the markets.

The task of transportation is proving the most daunting: bridging the widegap between the producer and his market. All the Caspian countries arelandlocked from their potential markets, without any outlet to theinternational transit system. The full utilisation of their resourcesdepends on the successful completion of secure routes to the high seas. Androute selection in a region with strong pulls and pressures is in turn

proving a marathon effort.

Of the many “best” routes, the favourites have been those flowing out toTurkey, a member of the Atlantic Alliance and so considered a safe bet.Iran is slowly emerging from isolation to become a powerful contender. Tothe east, China has had discussions to ensure that it is not denied a say.Till last winter there was another favourite: Afghanistan which couldprovide safe passage for such pipelines for the journey to the Karachi portin Pakistan. The Taliban’s uncomfortable friendship with fundamentalistmilitancy has caused acute embarrassment and raised doubts about the

security of the pipeline via territory under its control.

Whether the pipelines head west, south or east will determine the fate ofmuch of the region and have an undeniable impact on India in terms of itssecurity and social stability. The current effort for joint venturesinvolving China and Iran, if successful, can bring about a measure ofstability. Throughout the region, the old silk road is being re-exploredand the old trade routes are being rediscovered. Iran has closed a gap inthe rail network to link to Turkmenistan, Kazakhastan is firming up its

rail links to China and sea ports all over are being upgraded.

One development of deep strategic value to the region has been the apparentsuccess of Iran in its struggle with Turkey, the West’s favourite till now.Even as Washington has realised the folly of its anti-Iranian policies ofthe Eighties and started mending fences with the Islamic Republic, Iran hasbeen demonstrating great pragmatism in ensuring that its traditional rival,Turkey, does not gain enough of a foothold to pose a threat. It hasutilised its long border with the landlocked republics to sign a series oftransport and trade agreements. In recent years, it has signed an agreementto carry Turkmen gas to Europe via its territory and with Kazakhastan for

transfer to itself of crude through the Caspian Sea.

India’s close ties with Iran can ensure a role for it in the oil business.Policy planners in Delhi must also be watching with keen interest theemerging developments in Afghanistan where Taliban, the fundamentalistoutfit, driven to a corner and forsaken by its sponsors in the West, hasbeen forced to rethink its strategy. The American objective in propping upthe Taliban was to instal a friendly regime in Kabul that will ensure thesafe passage of gas and oil from the Central Asian region to Pakistan down

south, Karachi being the final destination.

After its disastrous dallying with extremism, the Taliban can be expectedto realise the benefits of cooperating with the other factions inAfghanistan so that a semblance of normality can be restored in the countryfor business to resume. With the prospect of a broadbased government inKabul, India can look forward to a change of environment. The strategic

importance of such a change cannot be over-emphasised.

– from The Hindu, Chennai, dated April 21, 1999

TEXT OF RAHUL GANDHI SPEECH IN LOK SABHA ON LOK PAL

TEXT OF RAHUL GANDHI SPEECH IN LOK SABHA ON LOK PAL

Madam Speaker,

I have been deeply distressed at the developments of the last few

days. Many aspects of the situation have caused me anguish.

We are all aware that corruption is pervasive. It operates at every

level. The poor may carry its greatest burden but it is an affliction

that every Indian is desperate to be rid off. Fighting corruption is

as integral to eliminating poverty as is Mahatma Gandhi NREGA or

the Land Acquisition Bill. Yet it is equally imperative to the growth

and development of our nation.

Madam Speaker, we cannot wish away corruption by the mere

desire to see it removed from our lives. This requires a

comprehensive framework of action and a concerted political

program supported by all levels of the state from the highest to the

lowest. Most importantly, it requires firm political will.

Madam Speaker, in the past few years I have travelled the length

and breadth of our country. I have met scores of countrymen, rich

and poor, old and young, privileged and disempowered who have

expressed their disillusionment to me. In the last few months,

Annaji has helped the people to articulate this same sentiment. I

thank him for that.

I believe that the real question before us as representatives of the

people of India today is whether we are prepared to take the battle

against corruption head on? It is not a matter of how the present

impasse will resolve, it is a much greater battle. There are no

simple solutions. To eradicate corruption demands a far deeper

engagement and sustained commitment from each one of us.

Witnessing the events of the last few days it would appear that the

enactment of a single Bill will usher in a corruption-free society. I

have serious doubts about this belief.

An effective Lok Pal law is only one element in the legal framework

to combat corruption. The Lok Pal institution alone cannot be a

substitute for a comprehensive anti-corruption code. A set of

effective laws is required. Laws that address the following critical

issues are necessary to stand alongside the Lok Pal initiative:

(1) government funding of elections and political parties,

(2) transparency in public procurement,

(3) proper regulation of sectors that fuel corruption like land and

mining,

(4) grievance redress mechanisms in public service delivery of old

age pensions and ration cards; and

(5) continued tax reforms to end tax evasion.

We owe it to the people of this country to work together across

party lines to ensure that Parliament functions at its optimum

capacity and delivers these laws in a just and time bound manner.

We speak of a statutory Lok Pal but our discussions cease at the

point of its accountability to the people and the risk that it might

itself become corrupt. Madam Speaker, why not elevate the

debate and fortify the Lok Pal by making it a Constitutional body

accountable to Parliament like the Election Commission of India? I

feel the time has come for us to seriously consider this idea.

Madam Speaker, laws and institutions are not enough. A

representative, inclusive and accessible democracy is central to

fighting corruption.

Individuals have brought our country great gains. They have

galvanized people in the cause of freedom and

development. However, individual dictates, no matter how well

intentioned, must not weaken the democratic process. This

process is often lengthy and lumbering. But it is so in order to be

inclusive and fair. It provides a representative and transparent

platform where ideas are translated into laws. A tactical incursion,

divorced from the machinery of an elected Government that seeks

to undo the checks and balances created to protect the supremacy

of Parliament sets a dangerous precedent for a democracy. Today

the proposed law is against corruption. Tomorrow the target may

be something less universally heralded. It may attack the plurality

of our society and democracy.

India’s biggest achievement is our democratic system. It is the life

force of our nation. I believe we need more democracy within our

political parties. I believe in Government funding of our political

parties. I believe in empowering our youth; in opening the doors of

our closed political system; in bringing fresh blood into politics and

into this House. I believe in moving our democracy deeper and

deeper into our villages and our cities.

I know my faith in our democracy, is shared by members of this

House. I know that regardless of their political affiliation, many of

my colleagues work tirelessly to realize the ideals upon which our

nation was built. The pursuit of truth is the greatest of those ideals.

It won us our freedom. It gave us our democracy. Let us commit

ourselves to truth and probity in public life. We owe it to the people

of India.

thanks to http://rajagopalan1951.blogspot.com/2011/08/text-of-rahul-gandhi-speech-in-lok.html

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பிளாக் பெர்ரியில் தமிழ்

மொபைல் சந்தையில் பிரபலமாக இருக்கும் பிளாக்பெர்ரி கைப்பேசிகள் சொந்தமாக தமிழ்,இந்தி போன்ற Indic font-களை சப்போர்ட் செய்ய வெகுகாலம் பிடித்திருக்கின்றது. சமீபத்தில் வெளியாகியுள்ள Blackberry 6 OS தமிழை ஆதரிக்கின்றதாம். ஆண்டிராயிடு போன்கள் இன்னும் சொந்தமாக இண்டிக் பாண்டுகளை சப்போர்ட் செய்யத் தொடங்கவில்லை. கெஞ்சிக்கூத்தாட வேண்டியிருக்கின்றது. ஏதோ ஒரு சொதப்பல் மாடியூலை அவர்கள் OS-ல் சேர்க்க அத்தனை யோசனை. ஆப்பிள் ஐபோன்கள், ஐபேடுகள் தமிழை அழகாக காட்டத் தொடங்கி வருடங்களாகிவிட்டது. இதிலிருந்தே அப்பட்டமாக தெரியவில்லையா ஏன் மக்கள் ஐபோன் விரும்பிகளாகி விட்டார்களென. சின்ன சின்ன விசயங்களானாலும் அதில் அதிக அக்கரையெடுத்து எதையும் நேர்த்தியாய் செய்வதால் தான் ஆப்பிள் இன்றைக்கு ஜாம்பவானாய் நிற்கின்றது என்றால் அதில் சந்தேகமே இல்லை.

பிளாக்பெர்ரி ver6 OS போன்கள் இந்தியாவில் வாங்கினால் மட்டுமே Indic font-டோடு வருகின்றதாக கேள்வி. வெளிநாடுகளில் வாழும் நம் ஆட்கள் கீழ் கண்ட cod கோப்பை உங்கள் கணிணியில் நிறுவ வேண்டும்.

சோ இங்கே சம்மரி.

முதலில் உங்கள் பிளாக்பெர்ரி OS வெர்சனை தெரிந்துகொள்ளுங்கள்.
Home screen போய் Settings போய் Options போய் About -ல் தெரிந்துகொள்ளலாம்.

உங்கள் பிளாக்பெர்ரி ver5 எனில் நோ குட் நியூஸ். Opera mini browser நிறுவி அதன் வழி தமிழ் பார்த்து நீங்கள் திருப்திபட்டுக்கொள்ள வேண்டியதுதான்.
வழி இங்கே.
http://wiki.pkp.in/forum/t-159712/reading-tamil-in-blackberry#post-1195625

எல்லா பயன்பாடுகளிலும் தமிழ் தெரிய உங்கள் பிளாக்பெர்ரி OS ver6-ஆக இருக்க வேண்டும். உங்கள் பிளாக்பெர்ரி அலுவலக கைப்பேசி என்றால் கம்பெனி ஐ.ற்றி-காரர்கள் ver5 to ver6 அப்கிரேடு செய்யவேண்டும். எனவே காத்திருக்க வேண்டியிருக்கும். அதுவே பிளாக்பெர்ரி உங்கள் சொந்த போன் என்றால் கீழ்கண்ட சுட்டி போய் அப்கிரேடு செய்யலாம்.
http://us.blackberry.com/update/

BlackBerry 6 OS உள்ளவர்கள் செய்யவேண்டியது.
பிளாக்பெர்ரியை USB கேபிள் வழி கணிணியில் இணைத்ததும் Device manager-ல் உங்கள் பிளாக்பெர்ரி தெரிகின்றதா என பார்க்கவும்.
இல்லையெனில் கீழ்கண்ட சுட்டியிலிருந்து BlackBerry USB and Modem Drivers_ENG.msi என்ற கோப்பை இறக்கி டிவைஸ் டிரைவர் நிறுவிக்கொள்ளவும்.
https://swdownloads.blackberry.com/Downloads/

கீழ்கண்ட net_rim_font_indic.cod என்ற கோப்பை இறக்கம் செய்துவைத்துக்கொள்ளுங்கள்.
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BBSAK என்னும் மென்பொருளை கீழ்கண்ட சுட்டியிலிருந்து இறக்கம் செய்து நிறுவிக்கொள்ளவும்
http://www.bbsak.org/download.php
Direct download link
http://bbsak.org/request.php?f=BBSAKv1.9.11_Installer.msi

பிளாக்பெர்ரியை USB கேபிள் வழி கணிணியில் இணைத்து bbsak அப்ளிகேஷனை ஓடவிடுங்கள். பாஸ்வேர்ட் கீயை டைப்செய்து பின் Modify COD-ஐ சொடுக்கி பின் Install COD(s) பொத்தானை சொடுக்கவும்.இங்கே ஏற்கனவே நீங்கள் இறக்கம் செய்துவைத்துள்ள net_rim_font_indic.cod கோப்பை காட்டவும்.(More detail instructions here.http://www.blackberryempire.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=56&t=307)

அவ்வளவுதான். உங்கள் பிளாக்பெர்ரியில் இந்திய மொழி எழுத்துருக்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டு அது ரீபூட்டாகும். இனி எல்லா பிளாக்பெர்ரி அப்ளிகேஷன்களிலும் தமிழ் தெளிவாக தெரியும். hmm... தமிழ் காண என்ன பாடுபட வேண்டி இருக்கின்றது.

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